Home Op-Ed Beyond Sectarianism: Why Iran-Israel Conflict Demands Muslim Unity

Beyond Sectarianism: Why Iran-Israel Conflict Demands Muslim Unity

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By Kamal Sikder

The recent escalation in the Iran-Israel conflict has once again laid bare the deep, unresolved sectarian fissures within the Muslim world. Unfortunately, many self-proclaimed Muslims, some carrying the weight of theological credentials, seem confused about their stance in this geopolitical struggle. Disturbingly, some have gone so far as to suggest that both Iran and Israel are “equally evil,” a position that reveals both a lack of historical understanding and a dangerous oversimplification of complex realities.

It is essential to clarify that while there are theological differences between Sunni and Shia Muslims—particularly concerning the concept of Imamate in Shia Islam—these differences do not touch the core tenets of Islam. Shia Muslims, especially the Twelver majority in Iran, uphold the essential pillars of Islamic faith: belief in Allah, His final Messenger Muhammad (peace be upon him), the Qur’an, the five daily prayers, fasting in Ramadan, zakat, and the pilgrimage to Mecca. These fundamental practices are the very framework of Islam. Differences over historical interpretations, especially regarding certain companions of the Prophet (peace be upon him), do not and should not render a community outside the fold of Islam. Prominent scholars across Sunni and Shia traditions, including giants like Imam Al-Ghazali and Imam Ibn Abidin, agreed that such disputes do not constitute grounds for excommunication (takfir).

Iran’s Contribution to Islamic Civilization: A Legacy to Remember

It is both ironic and tragic that many Muslims today glorify the intellectual achievements of the Islamic Golden Age while failing to recognize that a significant portion of those contributions came from Iranian scholars. The widely celebrated “1001 Inventions” of the Islamic world—from advances in medicine and mathematics to astronomy and philosophy—were largely driven by Persian intellect. Scholars like Al-Razi (Rhazes), Ibn Sina (Avicenna), Al-Farabi, and Omar Khayyam were all of Persian origin.

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Even within Sunni Islam, Persian contributions were monumental. Of the four major Sunni jurisprudential schools (madhahib), only Imam Malik was an Arab. Imam Abu Hanifa, the founder of the largest Sunni school, was of Persian descent. Furthermore, most of the great compilers of the six canonical hadith collections—Imam Bukhari, Imam Muslim, Imam Tirmidhi, Imam Nasa’i, Imam Ibn Majah—were all of Persian origin. Without Persian scholars, the Sunni intellectual tradition as we know it would not exist.

Iran’s Modern Resistance and Scientific Resilience

In modern times, despite decades of crippling Western sanctions, Iran has emerged as a beacon of scientific resilience in the Muslim world. Its progress in fields like nuclear technology, medicine, aerospace, and military defense is remarkable given the constraints it faces. Iran’s ability to resist Israeli and broader Western military pressures is a testament to its internal strength and national resolve. One can only imagine the scale of its potential achievements had it not been shackled by economic and technological sanctions.

The Shia Model of Activism: A Stark Contrast

A key distinction between Sunni and Shia sociopolitical thought lies in their approach to governance and activism. Shia Muslims have historically emphasized the importance of standing against injustice, a principle deeply rooted in the narrative of Karbala and the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. Even in the absence of a Shia state, individual Shia Muslims historically aligned themselves with a Marja’ (a supreme religious authority), whose influence shaped their personal and communal life. This structure fostered a robust political consciousness that ultimately made the Islamic Revolution in Iran possible.

In contrast, the dominant Sunni tradition, particularly after the Umayyad period, adopted a more quietist stance. From Hasan al-Basri to later Sunni theologians, the prevailing doctrine discouraged rebellion against rulers, no matter how unjust, prioritizing stability over political activism. This ethos has persisted and is visible in modern Salafi movements that often emphasize obedience to rulers. Tragically, this has sometimes created vacuums filled by extremist ideologies that exploit the lack of proactive religious engagement.

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Shia thought, as represented by scholars like Allama Murtaza Motahhari, offers a compelling framework for reconciling Islam with modernity. Motahhari’s works urge Muslims to actively engage with the modern world, to shape society according to Islamic principles rather than retreating into passivity.

Kufa: The Historical Epicenter of Rebellion

Historically, Kufa has been synonymous with rebellion and political turbulence within the Islamic world. Its volatile political culture was evident during the Caliphate of Uthman, through to the rise and fall of the Umayyads and Abbasids. It was the people of Kufa who initially invited Imam Hussain to lead a rebellion against Yazid, only to abandon him under pressure, culminating in the tragedy of Karbala.

The Kufans similarly pledged allegiance to Zayd ibn Ali, the grandson of Imam Hussain and a key figure in Islamic history. Zayd’s revolt against the Umayyads ultimately failed, but his followers, known as Zaydis, went on to establish movements that survive today in Yemen, most prominently in the Houthi-led Ansar Allah group.

It is worth noting that Kufa is not merely a historically rebellious city but is also widely regarded as the birthplace of Shi’ism. The theological and political identity of Shia Islam crystallized in Kufa during the first centuries of Islam, making it a focal point in Islamic history for those who sought to challenge unjust rulers and promote the leadership of the Prophet’s family (Ahl al-Bayt).

On Activism and the Awaited Mahdi: Sunni vs. Shia Perspectives

One of the stark contrasts between Sunni and Shia eschatology lies in their respective attitudes towards the awaited Mahdi (the Guided One). Among many Sunni communities, there is a passive waiting for the Mahdi’s arrival without active preparation for his leadership. This quietism has, over time, led some prominent Sunni scholars to cast doubt on the authenticity of Mahdist traditions altogether. For example, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, one of the most influential contemporary Sunni scholars, rejected the Mahdi prophecy as a valid eschatological belief, arguing that it is not reliably established. However, this position was strongly opposed by scholars like Nasir al-Din al-Albani, a preeminent Salafi hadith scholar, who affirmed the Mahdi’s arrival as an essential component of Islamic eschatology.

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In contrast, within Shia Islam—particularly in Iran—there is a culture of preparing for the Mahdi, not merely waiting. The belief is that proactive social justice, intellectual readiness, and community mobilization are part of the responsibility of those awaiting the Imam. This mindset fuels the Shia tradition of political activism and frames the Islamic government as a preparatory stage for the Mahdi’s return.

A Call for Unity Based on Shared Fundamentals

The time has come for Muslims to transcend sectarian narrow-mindedness and recognize the vast common ground that unites us. The shahada (declaration of faith), the Qur’an, the five pillars, the love for the Prophet (peace be upon him) and his family—these form an unbreakable bond among Muslims, whether Sunni or Shia. Sectarian differences should be acknowledged, studied, and respected, but they should never become weapons of division.

Instead of falling into the traps laid by geopolitical actors who exploit our internal divisions, Muslims must embrace a vision of unity rooted in shared beliefs and mutual respect. Only then can the Muslim Ummah reclaim its rightful place as a force for justice, knowledge, and spiritual leadership in the world.

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