By Kamal Sikder
Bangladesh is a Muslim-majority country, significantly influenced by the unique nature of Sufi Islam. This is because Islam spread in the Bengal region largely through the efforts of Sufi saints and missionaries, rather than through military conquests, as was the case in the northern parts of the Indian subcontinent. The Sufis’ inclusive approach, emphasizing spirituality, love, and tolerance, resonated with the local population. This peaceful and syncretic method of propagation allowed Islam to blend with existing cultural and religious practices, shaping the distinct Islamic identity of the region. In contrast, the northern subcontinent experienced a more direct form of Islamic influence through conquest and political dominance.
During my childhood, I first encountered Islamic values and teachings through individuals who embraced the Sufi perspective. The Naqshbandi tradition of Sufism predominantly shapes this narrative, with the teachings of Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti of Ajmer having a profound impact in the belief system of Bangladeshi people. This dynamic is evident across Bangladesh, where the Sufi interpretation of Islam serves as a foundational aspect of the local culture.
My mother was deeply influenced by Sufism, as her elder sister and brother were both strong advocates and preachers of the Sufi interpretation of Islam. They frequently traveled to various shrines to seek spiritual knowledge. My mother also tried to teach me some of the Sufi rituals, which I respectfully learned from her. However, the teachings didn’t resonate with me, and since I wasn’t truly interested, I eventually forgot them.
Jamaat’s political aspirations in Bangladesh must be understood through the lens of the Sufi-centric spiritual heritage that has shaped the religious and cultural identity of the region. The people of Bangladesh, much like the fertile land they inhabit, possess a simplicity and adaptability that reflects their deep-rooted connection to their environment and traditions.
Abul Mansur Ahmad captures this unique character of the Bangladeshi people in his autobiography. He recounts a story from his childhood, observing his uncle who, while fasting during Ramadan, would smoke a hookah by blowing the ‘Fast’ into a bamboo pot and inhaling it back thereafter. This relaxed approach to religious practices was not uncommon, and I, too, recall similar stories from my own boyhood, where elders in my area spoke of these practices.
Yet, despite this relaxed attitude toward religious customs, the people of Bangladesh have demonstrated a fierce dedication to protecting their faith when needed. For instance, many Bengalis traveled to the northern frontier to join Shah Syed Ahmad Brelvi’s army in the fight against the Sikh Empire, reflecting their willingness to sacrifice for their beliefs. This duality of the Bengali people—displaying a relaxed approach to religion in daily life but showing steadfast commitment in times of crisis—was evident during the movement for the creation of Pakistan. While regions like the Pashtun areas and Kashmir were less vigorous in their support for Pakistan, Bengali Muslims fought with great fervour to establish the Islamic state. Ironically, despite being the driving force behind the creation of Pakistan, the people of Bangladesh quickly became disillusioned with the version of Islam promoted by West Pakistan, which clashed with their own more syncretic and culturally distinct understanding of Islam.
When Pakistan was first established, the government sought to impose changes that alienated the people of Bangladesh, such as trying to replace the Bengali language and even altering the Bengali alphabet to one more closely resembling the Arabic script used in West Pakistan. These attempts were met with strong resistance from the Bengali people, who rejected such forced changes. I recall reading a book titled Bhasha Bhittik Sangskritik Jahiliater Porinoti, a questionable text still circulated by some, which explores these cultural tensions. The reality is that Islam, as expressed in the Qur’an, embraces diversity and celebrates it as a sign of God’s creation. Yet, this message is sometimes forgotten, leading to unnecessary divisions within society.
This tension between the broader Islamic aspirations of Jamaat and the more flexible, Sufi-influenced religious identity of Bangladesh continues to shape the political landscape of the country.
When Pakistan was first established, the government sought to impose changes that alienated the people of Bangladesh, such as trying to replace the Bengali language and even altering the Bengali alphabet to one more closely resembling the Arabic script used in West Pakistan. These attempts were met with strong resistance from the Bengali people, who rejected such forced changes. I recall reading a book titled Bhasha Bhittik Sangskritik Jahiliater Porinoti, a questionable text still circulated by some, which explores these cultural tensions. The reality is that Islam, as expressed in the Qur’an, embraces diversity and celebrates it as a sign of God’s creation. Yet, this message is sometimes forgotten, leading to unnecessary divisions within society.
Jamaat-e-Islami must understand this unique dynamic in Bangladeshi society if it seeks to gain broader acceptance and exercise meaningful political influence. Bangladeshis, while deeply rooted in their Islamic faith, have always cherished their cultural and linguistic identity. Jamaat needs to address this cultural sensitivity, rather than impose rigid narratives if it hopes to resonate with the people.
Below are several aspects that Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami must consider if they wish to succeed in navigating the power dynamics of this diverse nation:
Internal Factors
Social Dynamics
Village Politics: The rural landscape of Bangladesh is deeply embedded in traditional power structures, where local elites, often wealthy or influential families, play a significant role. Jamaat’s influence is often stifled by these power brokers, whose interests do not always align with Islamist narratives. Rural voters, guided by village heads, may favour parties that promise economic development over religious-centric policies.
Local Headsmen: Village leaders, who maintain authority over social and political affairs in their localities, frequently operate in alignment with national political parties rather than religious factions. Their influence undermines Jamaat’s ability to mobilize local communities unless the party can win their allegiance.
Sufi Interpretation of Islam: Bangladesh has a rich history of Sufism, which presents a more syncretic and inclusive interpretation of Islam. Jamaat’s more rigid and puritanical view often clashes with the Sufi traditions that dominate the spiritual lives of many Bangladeshis, especially in rural areas.
Urbanization: As Bangladesh experiences rapid urbanization, the socio-political dynamics change. Urban voters, especially from the burgeoning middle class, tend to prioritize economic growth and social stability over religious governance. Jamaat’s traditional rural base is shrinking as urbanization accelerates, posing a challenge to its influence.
Cultural Influences
Hindu Origins of Social Norms: Many of Bangladesh’s social norms, particularly in terms of family structure, celebrations, and festivals, are influenced by the region’s Hindu past. This cultural syncretism poses challenges for Jamaat, which seeks a more rigid Islamic identity for the country.
Rabindrik Influence: The philosophy and works of Rabindranath Tagore, a Bengali polymath, continue to shape the cultural consciousness of Bangladesh. His secular, humanist outlook contrasts with Jamaat’s Islamist worldview, making it difficult for the party to resonate with the intellectual and cultural elite who hold Tagore’s ideals in high regard.
Mental Slavery of So-called Intellectuals: A critique often voiced by Jamaat is that Bangladesh’s secular intellectuals remain mentally ‘enslaved’ by Western or non-Islamic ideologies, preventing the rise of a purely Islamic consciousness. This intellectual opposition creates significant obstacles for Jamaat in terms of policy advocacy and cultural influence.
Communist Mindset and Anti-Islamic Mental Makeup: The lingering influence of leftist ideologies, especially during and after the liberation war, created a secular and often anti-Islamic political culture. Many left-leaning thinkers and political activists resist Jamaat’s calls for Islamic governance, further alienating it from sections of the population.
Theatre, Films, and Performers with Anti-Islamic Narratives: The portrayal of Islamic identity in the performing arts often reflects secular and critical viewpoints. This artistic resistance adds to the cultural struggle Jamaat faces in promoting its Islamic agenda.
The Muktijuddher Chetona (Spirit of Liberation War): The dominant narrative surrounding Bangladesh’s liberation is secular and nationalistic, often positioning Jamaat as an antagonist due to its opposition to independence in 1971. This historical burden hinders Jamaat’s attempts to gain wider acceptance in the national discourse.
Mazar Culture: The widespread reverence for shrines (Mazar), where local Sufi saints are venerated, runs contrary to Jamaat’s stricter Islamic interpretations. The popularity of Mazar culture presents a theological challenge for Jamaat in promoting a puritanical form of Islam.
Political Factors
People Are Not Ready for Absolute Islamism: Despite Bangladesh’s predominantly Muslim population, there is a lack of widespread support for a fully Islamist state. Most Bangladeshis prefer a balance between religion and modern governance, which complicates Jamaat’s political strategy.
Political Hegemonies Oppose Islamic Narrative: While mainstream political forces in Bangladesh respect Islamic values, they generally oppose Jamaat’s vision of an Islamic state. This opposition comes from both secular and centrist parties, which prevents Jamaat from gaining significant political traction.
Secular Political Mindset: The secular foundations of Bangladeshi politics, deeply embedded in the constitution and national ideology, further limit Jamaat’s ability to shape the national agenda.
Secular Establishment (Teachers, Labour, etc.): Many key institutions in Bangladesh, including academia and the labor movement, are dominated by secular values. These groups often resist efforts to Islamize governance or education, limiting Jamaat’s influence on policymaking.
Islamic Factors
Fragmented Islamic Views: The Islamic community in Bangladesh is divided along theological lines, including Barelvi, Deobandi, and Wahhabi schools of thought. This fragmentation makes it difficult for Jamaat to present a unified Islamic political agenda.
Opportunistic Islamic Groups: Various Islamic groups, such as Deobandhi, Kawmi madrasa-based factions, and Mazar-based politics, often pursue their own interests rather than a cohesive Islamic agenda. This opportunism weakens Jamaat’s ability to form a broad Islamic coalition.
Different Schools of Thought: The existence of diverse Islamic interpretations creates ideological competition, which dilutes Jamaat’s ability to establish itself as the sole representative of Islamic politics in Bangladesh.
Cohabitation of Power and Islamic Hegemonies: The cohabitation of political power with various Islamic factions complicates Jamaat’s efforts. Some groups prefer to maintain the status quo and cooperate with secular governments rather than push for Islamist dominance.
Islamic Roots Beyond Borders: Jamaat’s ideological ties to movements in Pakistan create suspicions about its loyalty to national interests. Many view Jamaat’s agenda as foreign-influenced, which hinders its local support.
External Factors
Geo-Political Location
Corridor to South-East Asia: Bangladesh’s strategic location as a gateway to South-East Asia gives it geopolitical significance, drawing the attention of regional powers. Jamaat’s Islamist agenda is perceived as a destabilizing factor by neighboring countries that prefer political stability.
Access to the Indian Ocean: As a nation with significant maritime interests, Bangladesh’s foreign policy is shaped by concerns over regional trade and security, where Jamaat’s Islamist views may be seen as a hindrance to diplomatic relationships.
North-Eastern India and the Christian Belt: The presence of a Christian-majority region in Northeast India poses both a religious and geopolitical challenge for Jamaat’s narrative, especially given the region’s proximity to Bangladesh.
Rakhine Terrain: Bangladesh’s strategic position near Myanmar’s Rakhine State adds to regional tensions, especially with ongoing concerns over the Rohingya crisis. Jamaat’s position on these issues often contrasts with the pragmatic approach taken by the government.
India
Existential Threat: India’s geopolitical dominance poses an existential threat to Bangladesh’s sovereignty, according to Jamaat’s narrative. India’s influence on Bangladesh’s politics, economy, and culture creates friction for Jamaat, which seeks to assert an Islamic identity distinct from Indian hegemony.
Historical and Cultural Similarities: Despite religious differences, Bangladesh and India share deep cultural and historical ties. Jamaat’s efforts to assert a purely Islamic identity often conflict with the secular and syncretic traditions shared by the two nations.
Dream of Akhanda Bharat: Jamaat views India’s strategic goals through the lens of a perceived dream of an “Akhanda Bharat” (United India), which Jamaat opposes to preserve Bangladesh’s Islamic identity.
Pakistan
Guarantee for Bangladesh’s Independence: Jamaat’s historical association with Pakistan during the 1971 Liberation War has tainted its political legitimacy. Jamaat is often seen as a pro-Pakistan party, which limits its appeal in a nationalist context. Although it may seems that current change have delegitimised this question, but wait for December to come.
Islamic Politics Tainted by Pakistan: The legacy of Pakistan’s political and military involvement in Bangladesh’s history complicates Jamaat’s efforts to position itself as an authentic Islamic force.
China
Economic Interests: China is a key economic partner for Bangladesh, and it favors stability and economic growth over ideological governance. Jamaat’s Islamist agenda may not align with China’s interests in maintaining a stable and authoritarian government in Bangladesh.
Stability is China’s Concern: China prefers a stable Bangladesh for trade and investment. Any political unrest, particularly religiously motivated, is seen as a threat to China’s economic interests.
The West
Main Business Partner: Western countries remain Bangladesh’s primary economic partners, especially in the garment sector. Western governments often promote secularism and democracy, viewing Jamaat’s Islamist agenda with suspicion.
Islamophobia in Politics: Western nations’ Islamophobia-driven policies influence their relations with Bangladesh, which complicates Jamaat’s ability to secure international legitimacy or support.
Jamaat’s Internal Dynamics
Skilled but Detached Manpower: Jamaat’s workforce, though skilled, is often perceived as detached from the concerns of the mass populace. This limits its ability to resonate with ordinary voters.
Bourgeoisie Mentality: The party is often criticized for being too elitist, with its leaders and manpower exhibiting a bourgeoisie mindset that distances them from grassroots supporters.
Limited Secular Representation in Leadership: Jamaat’s leadership, especially at the local level, is often dominated by individuals with a madrasa background, leading to a lack of secular-educated individuals who could bridge the gap with the wider public.
Overwhelming Madrasah Background of Student Leaders: The predominance of madrasa-educated leaders among Jamaat’s student wing presents a challenge in appealing to secular and modern-educated youths, further limiting its outreach.
Preference for Adherence to Status Quo over Meritocracy: In many organizations and educational institutions in Bangladesh, including those aligned with Jamaat, there is a preference for maintaining the status quo, such as prioritizing personal report maintenance, finishing prescribed syllabi, and following established protocols. This adherence to routine over merit-based progress stifles innovation and dynamism within the party, hindering its growth and adaptability to contemporary challenges.
The mentality of ‘Holier Than Thou’: There is often a perception within Jamaat’s leadership and followers that they hold a superior moral and religious standing compared to others. This attitude alienates potential supporters, who feel judged or marginalized, rather than inspired to join Jamaat’s cause. This “holier than thou” mentality contributes to a disconnect between the party’s leadership and the broader populace.
The Politburo Structure of Jamaat
Jamaat-e-Islami, founded by Syed Abul Ala Maududi in 1941, emerged during a period of intense political and ideological ferment in the Indian subcontinent. This was the heyday of communism, particularly in the global context of the Soviet Union’s rising influence. The communist model, with its vision of a classless society, captivated many young people across the subcontinent, including both Hindu and Muslim youth, who saw in it a potential solution to the deeply entrenched social hierarchies that had long defined the region’s societies.
At the time, communist slogans promoting social equality and economic justice resonated with many, as both Hindu caste structures and Muslim social stratification fostered sharp divisions between the elite and the common people. The call for a revolution to dismantle these hierarchies found fertile ground in the intellectual and political arenas of India, influencing a wide range of movements.
Syed Abul Ala Maududi’s Response
In this context, Syed Abul Ala Maududi sought to create an alternative movement that would counter the growing appeal of communism, especially among Muslim youth. Maududi envisioned an Islamic society that transcended the divisions of class, but unlike the atheistic and materialist framework of communism, his model was grounded in the spiritual and moral teachings of Islam.
Maududi rejected communism’s emphasis on class struggle as the ultimate driver of history, but he was undeniably influenced by its organizational discipline and hierarchical structure. Drawing from the Soviet Politburo’s model, Maududi structured Jamaat-e-Islami in a way that mirrored the highly centralized and hierarchical leadership of communist parties.
The Politburo Model and Jamaat’s Leadership Structure
Maududi’s Jamaat adopted a hierarchical leadership system where access to positions of power and decision-making followed a clearly defined, step-by-step process. Like the Soviet Politburo, leadership in Jamaat was not open to the masses but was controlled through a top-down structure. Entry into the upper echelons of the organization was based on merit, loyalty, and ideological alignment, with leaders being groomed and vetted over time.
At the core of this structure was a central decision-making body, akin to the Soviet Politburo, where major policies and strategies were discussed and decided upon. The top leaders, known for their ideological purity and deep commitment to the party’s Islamic principles, exercised significant control over the organization’s direction. Decision-making was highly centralized, ensuring that leadership remained cohesive and focused on Jamaat’s ultimate goal: the establishment of an Islamic state governed by Sharia law.
A Hierarchical Path to Leadership
The leadership pathway within Jamaat is built on strict adherence to hierarchy, ensuring that only those who demonstrate unwavering loyalty and deep ideological commitment to the party’s cause rise to the top. This process involves:
Local Membership and Grassroots Involvement: At the entry level, individuals become members of Jamaat by demonstrating commitment to Islamic values and the party’s broader mission. Grassroots participation is key, as it is here that potential leaders are identified and evaluated.
Progression through Regional Leadership: As individuals prove their dedication and capability, they move through regional leadership structures. Jamaat’s regional offices operate with autonomy but are aligned with the central leadership’s goals. The performance and ideological consistency of these leaders are closely monitored by the central body.
Access to Central Leadership: Those who have demonstrated their capacity to lead at regional levels, while maintaining ideological purity, are given access to the central leadership structure. The highest decision-making body, similar to the Soviet Politburo, is composed of these vetted leaders who work collaboratively on Jamaat’s strategies and policies.
Centralized Decision-Making: The final layer of the hierarchy is where policy decisions are made by a small group of elite leaders. These individuals, handpicked for their loyalty and intellectual alignment with Maududi’s vision, ensure that the party’s direction remains focused and unified.
The Legacy of Politburo-Style Leadership
Jamaat’s politburo-style leadership has provided the organization with significant stability and internal cohesion. However, it has also created certain challenges. The hierarchical and elitist nature of its leadership model means that access to power is restricted to a small group of individuals, often disconnected from the general populace. This has contributed to a sense of detachment between the leadership and the grassroots, making it difficult for Jamaat to adapt to the changing political and social landscape of countries like Bangladesh and Pakistan.
Moreover, the hierarchical nature of Jamaat’s leadership has also been criticized for stifling internal dissent and debate. The rigid, top-down decision-making process limits the influence of younger or more progressive members, which can stifle innovation and the ability to appeal to broader segments of society, particularly in modern, secular-leaning contexts like urban Bangladesh.
